B Y A N D R E W W E I N E R
| SUMMER IS OVER, and John is
headed back to college to begin his senior year. For the most part, his concerns aren't that different from those of his classmates: moving in, getting into classes, finding a job after graduation. But as the constitu- tional monarch of the Principality of Freedonia, John, who prefers to be called Prince John I, also must tend to the af- fairs of a "micronation" of nearly 300 citizens. Call it a minor in statecraft. In his spare time, Prince John consults his cabinet and works out amendments to the Freedonian constitution. He also drafts treatises on topics like gun control and taxation. His biggest task, though, is to put Freedonia on the map. Literally. That's because Freedonia doesn't exist, at least no in the way that countries like Turkey or Mexico exist. It doesn't even exist in the way that Monaco or Vatican City exist. If a nation without territory is a strange concept to grasp, that's because Freedonia is precisely, and only, that: a strange concept. Most nations start with land and worry about principles later. But having laid claim to a corner of cyberspace, Free- donia -- like a handful of other micronations -- has begun to assert its sovereignty in other, less virtual realities. To hear Prince John tell it, nothing less than the destiny of hu- mankind is at stake in the attempt. |
nia's founders to return to essential principles that, in their view,
have been largely neglected by american leaders.
Chief among these is a thoroughgoing, nearly utopian libertarianism. Should Freedonia ever become an actual state, its citizens will enjoy a condition of virtually limitless freedom. All drugs will be legal. There will be no speed limit. Gun ownership will be unrestricted and taxes will be "ultra-low." Underscoring these views is a simple faith that, if left to their own devices, people will find a way to get along. Since a prosperous private sector is sure to result, the Freedonian government plans to offer no social services and to spurn public-works projects entirely. But if John and his fellow Freedonians trust optimistical- ly in the benevolence of human nature, they are hostile to- ward any and all acts of government intervention. (Perhaps this reflects the peculiar position of a nation whose founders were being unjustly repressed by 10 o'clock cur- fews.) The problem with virtually every society, they be- lieve, is that individual freedom is subject to "preventative" laws restricting behavior that hasn't yet occurred. Prince John derides this overreaching as "the punishment of the whole for the acts of a few." Prince John's message has found a number of takers -- 275 at last count. Freedonians, according to their ruler, are a widely varied people. This is almost true. Freedonians |
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'Whether or not we see a nation of liberty on this planet could hinge largely on my competence.' Then again, most college students aren't the Prince of Freedonia. |
| FREEDONIAN HISTORY begins in 1992. John, then
just entering high school in Houston, became "in- trigued" by the possibility of declaring his parents' home independent of the US. He discussed the idea with a few friends, who then joined him in declaring their homes part of the Republic of Freedonia. (He says that at the time they were unaware that Freedonia was the name of the mythical nation in the Marx Brothers farce Duck Soup.) The first Freedonian republic was actually an oligarchy, with all authority vested in two presidents and several cabi- net members. Although the risk of revloution was rather low -- Freedonia had no citizens who were not also rulers -- John gradually moved to consolidate his power. Four years later, the second president was removed; a year after that, the country was re-established as a constitutional monarchy under the new Prince John I. Why a monarchy? John gives two reasons. The first is that a life term renders him immune to the pressure of spe- cial interests, which he holds responsible for the downfall of representative democracies. Second, and perhaps more im- portant: he's the right prince for the job. Most college students don't tend to say things like "Whether or not we see a nation of liberty on this planet could hinge largely on my competence." Then again, most college students aren't self-proclaimed royalty. I didn't have the chance to meet John in person (he chose instead to communicate by e-mail), but our correspondence left me with the impression of someone exceptionally serious, if somewhat shy. He doesn't use slang or even contractions, and he signs his correspondence "Yours in Liberty." His chief hobby is improving his qualifications for princehood by studying political philopsophy and keeping up with inter- national news. John's attention to theory is reflected in the Freedonian constitution, a lengthy document larded with such baroque legalisms as "bills of attatinder" and "letters of marque and reprisal." Its frequent overlaps with the US Constitution re- flect a little cribbing, perhaps, but also the desire of Freedo- |
range in age from 12 to 72, and hail from nations as varied as Croatia,
Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia. They work as pro-
grammers, plumbers, poets, and parapsychologists. But it is worth noting that only six Freedonians are women. Because the country has not yet formed an active parlia- ment, the responsibility for governing lies exclusively with Prince John and his cabinet. But even for the nation's rul- ing class, power exists more as concept than as fact. Dustin Gawrylow tells me that when Prince John asked him to be Freedonia's prime minister, "I had only one question: 'Can I declare war?' [John's] answer was, 'Well, theoreticallly, yes.'" For the majority of Freedonian citizens, however, there isn't a whole lot more to do than just belong. Freedonia is not the only micronation to have declared
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