Part Two



 

filiate of the pro-pot Green Panther Party, whose mock
constitution makes high-minded appeals to turn Northern
California into a state called Ganjastan and, in the next
breath, defends each Ganjastani's inalieable right to
"Party!"
     For many of these virtual Grand Viziers and Supreme
Dictators-for-Life, becoming masters of their own domains
has been a lifelong hobby. More than a few admit to having
dubbed themselves kings of their own bedrooms as chil-
dren. Eric Lis, Emperor of Aerica, explains: "All children
make up imaginary lands and stories, imaginary friends and
adventures. I just never grew out of mine, and a couple 
hundred people have gotten pulled in along the way."
     Aerica, which calls itself the "Monty Python of Microna-
tions," displays a fairly typical national character: earnest
calls for peace, equality, and freedom are leavened by a 
gently self-deprecating sense of humor. When Eric de-
scribes his nation's values to me, he stresses the need for 
both "iconoclasm and diplomacy," for speaking one's mind
and respecting the views of others.
     It's this balance that seems to be missing in the more un-
compromisingly serious micronations like Freedonia. Lost amid the flourishes of para-libertarian rhetoric is the fact that ample freedom of speech already exits both in cy-
berspace and in many of the countries that unknowingly
host these would-be splinter states. After all, the First
Amendment guarantees every American the right to pro-
claim herslf Exalted Arch-Solipist of Dementia, should
she so choose. 
     In fact, the Freedonians and Ganjastanis probably 
owe less to the Founding Fathers than they do to the mem-
bers of a different tradition in American politics: the local
crank who proclaims himself king. The most famous of
these, San Francisco's legendary Emperor Joshua Norton,
printed his own bonds, issued executive orders, and gained
such notoriety that his funeral in 1880 boasted 10,000 
mourners in a two-mile parade.

PERHAPS THE most well-developed micronation is
Talossa, which was founded in 1979 by R. Ben Madi-
son, then a high-school student in Winsconsin. The nation
began as Madison's solo attempt to found "a perfect soci-
ety," but in time it absorbed several friends who had once
derided Talossa as "Ben's fantasy country.
     Today Talossa has annual political congresses, several newspapers, and a fully functional invented language, akin
to Esperanto. Moreover, Talossans have augmented their two decades of actual history with a mythical genealogy. A
1994 law decreed, for example, that all Talossans are "in-
explicably and inextricably connencted somehow to 
Berbers."
     Although Talossans are aware that they operate from a 
position of what they call "impaired sovereignty," they have
succeeded in creating for themselves an actual homeland,
of sorts, on some five square miles in East Side of Mil-
waukee. A Talossan can go to the neighborhood laundro-
mat and simultaneoulsy be in the Buffonia canton of the 
Maricopa province.
     But only a small handful of leaders try to shephered
their people from athe collective fantasy of chat rooms 
into reality. In the annals of micronational history, only
once has a micronation actually been successful in claim-
ing a homeland.
     The man behind this stunt was Roy Bates, a British vet-
eran who used squatter's rights to claim Roughs Tower, a
defunct anti-aircraft battery built on a platform in the
North Sea, six miles from the British coast. Bates quickly
redubbed himslf Prince Roy and his new home, Sealand;
his wife and son soon joined him. This was in 1967. Al-
though the Brithish gobernment has tried on occasion to
evict the self-proclaimed royal family, a combination of fa-
vorable legal rulings and bureaucratic indifference has en-
abled Sealand to remain more or less sovereign.
     The prospect of a tax-free, lawless fiefdom within miles

Part Three  ---->